The new American security framework for Africa is still taking shape. This means we have a historical opportunity to partner with the region in a meaningful way—if we get the terms of the engagement right. However, it is already evident that the challenges we, Americans and Africans, face together neither lend themselves to quick fixes nor promise all that many immediate results. Rather, they demand for a steady approach and sustained commitment to the pursuit of long-term strategic objectives which will secure legitimate U.S. national interests as well as advance the interests of our African partners—irrespective of transitions in administration, shifts of economic indicators, or changes to international or national perceptions of priorities. Given the high stakes involved, nothing less should be expected.

[1] See J. Peter Pham, “U.S. National Interests and Africa’s Strategic Significance,” American Foreign Policy Interests 26, no. (2005): 19-29.

[2] George W. Bush, interview by Jim Lehrer, NewsHour, PBS, February 16, 2000.

[3] The White House, Office of the Press Secretary, “President Bush Creates a Department of Defense Unified Combatant Command for Africa” (February 6, 2007).

[4] Princeton N. Lyman, “A Strategic Approach to Terrorism,” in Africa-U.S. Relations: Strategic Encounters, ed. Donald Rothchild and Edmond J. Keller (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2006), 49.

[5] The White House, National Security Strategy of the United States of America (September 2002).

[6] Ibid.

[7] Abu Azzam al-Ansari, “Al-Qaeda tattajih nahwa Ifrikya” (“Al-Qaeda is Moving to Africa”), Sada al-Jihad, no. 7 (June 2006): 27-30. For a full translation of the article along with analysis, see Reuven Paz and Moshe Terdman, “Africa: The Gold Mine of Al-Qaeda and Global Jihad,” PRISM Occasional Papers 4, no. 2 (June 2006): 1-6.

[8] See Elizabeth Spiro Clark, “Somaliland: A Democracy Under Threat,” Foreign Service Journal 83, no. 11 (November 2006): 30-38.

[9] On the Islamic Courts Union takeover of Mogadishu and the ensuing crisis in the Horn of Africa, see J. Peter Pham, Testimony before the Subcommittee on Africa, Global Human Rights, and International Operations and the Subcommittee on International Terrorism and Nonproliferation, U.S. House of Representatives Committee on International Relations (June 29, 2006).

[10] See J. Peter Pham, “Mired in Mogadishu,” World Defense Review (July 26, 2007).

[11] U.S. Department of Defense, Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense (Public Affairs), “Terror Suspect Transferred to Guantanamo” (June 6, 2007).

[12] The video was posted to the http://www.alhesbah.org/ website on September 11, 2006.

[13] See J. Peter Pham, “Al-Qaeda’s Franchise in Africa,” World Defense Review (June 21, 2007).

[14] See J. Peter Pham, “The Growth of Militant Islamism in East Africa,” World Defense Review (September 28, 2006).

[15] See J. Peter Pham, Testimony before the Subcommittee on International Organizations, Human Rights and Oversight and the Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health, U.S. House of Representatives Committee on Foreign Affairs (May 10, 2007).

[16] See Douglas Farah, Blood from Stones: The Secret Financial Network of Terror (New York: Broadway Books, 2004); also J. Peter Pham, The Sierra Leonean Tragedy: History and Global Dimensions (New York: Nova Science Publishers, 2005).

[17] State of the Union Address by the President (January 31, 2006).

[18] See Energy Information Administration, U.S. Total Crude Oil and Products Imports (May 27, 2007).

[19] See J. Peter Pham, “Nigeria: Flailing State,” World Defense Review (June 14, 2007).[20] See J. Peter Pham, “China’s African Strategy and Its Implications for U.S. Interests,” American Foreign Policy Interests 28, no. 3 (June 2006): 239-253.

[21] See J. Peter Pham, “Hu’s Selling Guns to Africa,” World Defense Review (June 28, 2007).

[22] See J. Peter Pham, “Securing the New Strategic Gulf,” World Defense Review (June 7, 2007).

[23] International Chamber of Commerce, “IMB Piracy Report Notes Decline in Piracy (April 25, 2007).

[24] See Eric Pape, “West Africa: The New ‘Drug Triangle,’” Newsweek (August 29, 2005): 25; also see J. Peter Pham, “The Security Challenge of West Africa’s New Drug Depots,” World Defense Review (July 10, 2007).

[25] Marine Resources Assessment Group, Review of Impacts of Illegal, Unreported and Unregulated Fishing on Developing Countries (July 2005).

[26] The White House, The National Strategy for Maritime Security (September 20, 2005).

[27] United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Human Development Report 2006. Beyond Scarcity: Power, Poverty and the Global Water Crisis (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), 283-286.

[28] Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS), 2006 AIDS Epidemic Report (2006), 10.

[29] Address by the President to United Nations High-Level Plenary Meeting (September 14, 2005).

[30] See J. Peter Pham, America in Africa: Securing U.S. Interests and Promoting a Continent’s Development (Harrisonburg, VA: Nelson Institute for International and Public Affairs/Institute for Infrastructure and Information Assurance, 2007).

[31] See Larry Diamond, Prospects for Democratic Development in Africa (Stanford: Hoover Institution, 1997).

[32] See J. Peter Pham, “The Battle for Nigeria,” The National Interest 88 (March/April 2007): 97-100; idem, “Decision Time in Nigeria,” World Defense Review (April 19, 2007); idem, “Nigeria Teeters Back from the Brink,” World Defense Review (May 3, 2007).

[33] See J. Peter Pham, “Legitimacy, Justice, and the Future of Africa,” Human Rights & Human Welfare 5 (2005): 31-49.

[34] Amartya Sen, Development as Freedom (New York: Random House, 1999), 157.

[35] See J. Peter Pham, “Good News from Côte d’Ivoire,” World Defense Review (March 22, 2007).

[36] There presently fifteen ECOWAS member states: Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Côte d’Ivoire, The Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Senegal, and Togo.

[37] Economic Community of West African States Treaty (signed July 24, 1993).

[38] Declaration A/DCL.1/7/91 of Political Principles of the Economic Community of West African States (adopted 6 June 1991).

[39] See J. Peter Pham, Liberia: Portrait of a Failed State (New York: Reed Press, 2004).

[40] See J. Peter Pham, “Democracy by Force? Lessons from the Restoration of the State in Sierra Leone,” Whitehead Journal of Diplomacy & International Relations 6, no. 1 (Winter-Spring 2005): 129.

[41] Jeremy I. Levitt, “Illegal Peace? An Inquiry into the Legality of Power-Sharing with Warlords and Rebels in Africa,” Michigan Journal of International Law (2006): 516.

[42] Protocol Relating to the Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management, Resolution, Peacekeeping and Security (signed December 10, 1999).

[43] Protocol A/SP1/12/01 on Democracy and Good Governance (adopted December 21, 2001).

[44] Protocol Relating to the Establishment of the Peace and Security Council of the African Union (July 9, 2002).

[45] The New Partnership for Africa’s Development (October 2001).

[46] Communiqué Issued at the End of the Meeting of the Implementation Committee of Heads of State and Government on the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (October 23, 2001).

[47] Communiqué Issued at the End of the Meeting of the Implementation Committee of Heads of State and Government on the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (March 26, 2002).

[48] New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) Declaration on Democracy, Political, Economic, and Corporate Governance (adopted June 18, 2002).

[49] The twenty-five states are: Algeria, Angola, Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Congo (Brazzaville), Egypt, Ethiopia, Gabon, Ghana, Kenya, Lesotho, Malawi, Mali, Mauritius, Mozambique, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Sudan, Tanzania, Uganda, and Zambia. Saõ Tomé and Principe has also indicated its willingness to accede, but there has not been a HSIC meeting since that declaration to accept its memorandum of understanding.

[50] In practise, only base reviews have been conducted thus far.

[51] Communiqué Issued at the End of the First Summit of the Committee of Participating Heads of State and Government in the African Peer Review Mechanism (APR Forum) (13 February 2005).

[52] The White House, National Security Strategy of the United States of America (March 16, 2006).

[53] Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA), Fact Sheet (December 2006).

[54] Jim Garamone, “Aircraft Attack Al Qaeda, Ike Moves Off Somalia,” American Forces Press Service (January 9, 2007).

[55] See J. Peter Pham, “Violence, Islamism, and Terror in the Sahel,” World Defense Review (February 22, 2007).

[56] Gerry J. Gilmore, “U.S. Naval Forces Prepare for AFRICOM Stand Up,” American Forces Press Service (June 1, 2007).

[57] Daniel Volman, U.S. Military Programs in Sub-Saharan Africa 2005-2007, Africa Security Research Project Paper (2007).

[58] See Benedikt Franke, “Enabling a Continent to Help Itself: U.S. Military Capacity Building and Africa’s Emerging Security Architecture,” Strategic Insights 6, no. 1 (January 2007): 1-13.

[59] See J. Peter Pham, “African Constitutionalism: Forging New Models for Multi-Ethnic Governance and Self-Determination,” in Africa: Mapping New Boundaries in International Law, ed. Jeremy I. Levitt (Oxford: Hart Publishing, 2007).

[60] In Africa, EUCOM’s AOR embraced Algeria, Angola, Benin, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cameroon, Cape Verde, Central African Republic, Chad, Democratic Republic of Congo, Republic of Congo (Brazzaville), Côte d’Ivoire, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Lesotho, Liberia, Libya, Malawi, Mali, Mauritania, Morocco, Mozambique, Namibia, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, São Tomé and Príncipe, Senegal, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Swaziland, Tanzania, Togo, Tunisia, Uganda, Zambia, and Zimbabwe in addition some fifty Eurasian countries.

[61] CENTCOM’s African AOR included Djibouti, Egypt, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Seychelles, Somalia, and Sudan, as well as the waters of the Red Sea and the western portions of the Indian Ocean not covered by U.S. PACOM.

[62] U.S. PACOM’s African AOR included Comoros, Mauritius, and Madagascar, as well as the waters of the Indian Ocean, excluding those north of 5° S and west of 68° E (which were in CENTCOM’s AOR) and those west of 42° E (which were part of EUCOM’s AOR).

[63] Bantz J. Craddock, Testimony before the U.S. Senate Committee on Armed Services (September 19, 2006).

[64] See J. Peter Pham, “Vulnerability of Nigerian Oil Infrastructure Threatens U.S. Interests, World Defense Review (May 17, 2007).

[65] U.S. Department of Defense, Directive 3000.05 on the Military Support for Stability, Security, Transition, and Reconstruction (SSTR) Operations (November 28, 2005).

[66] U.S. Department of Defense, Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense (Public Affairs), “DoD News Briefing with Principal Deputy Under Secretary Henry from the Pentagon” (April 23, 2007).

[67] See J. Peter Pham, “Peacekeepers with No Peace to Keep,” World Defense Review (April 12, 2007).

[68] See Peter J. Schraeder, African Politics and Society: A Mosaic in Transformation (Boston: St. Martin’s Press, 2000).

[69] See “Johnson Sirleaf ‘Offers’ Territory for Africom Headquarters,” The News (July 6, 2007).

[70] See Peter Fabricius, “SADC Shuns Spectre of U.S. Africom Plans,” The Sunday Independent (July 15, 2007): 3.

[71] Alamin M. Mazrui, “Africa’s Role in America’s ‘War on Terrorism’: Some Political Implications,” in Understanding Terrorism in Africa: In Search for an African Voice, ed. Wafula Okumu and Anneli Botha (Pretoria: Institute for Security Studies, 2007), 72.

[72] Organization of African Unity Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism (adopted July 14, 1999), art. 1 §3 (a).

[73] U.S. Department of State, Patterns of Global Terrorism 2003 (April 2004), 177.

[74] National Counterterrorism Center, A Chronology of Significant International Terrorism for 2004 (April 27, 2005), 81.

[75] See J. Peter Pham, “Next Front? Evolving U.S.-African Strategic Relations in the ‘War on Terrorism’ and Beyond,” Comparative Strategy 26, no. 1 (2007): 39-54.

[76] National Security Strategy (2002), op. cit.

[77] Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, “AFRICOM Can Help Governments Willing to Help Themselves,” allAfrica.com (June 25, 2007).

[78] See David C. Gompert, Olga Oliker, Brooke Stearns, Keith Crane, and K. Jack Riley, Making Liberia Safe: Transformation of the National Security Sector (Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 2007).

[79] See Herman J. Cohen, “The U.S. Military’s New Africa Command: An Opportunity for New Ideas,” Journal of International Peace Operations 2, no. 5 (March/April 2007): 27.

[80] U.S. Department of Defense, Quadrennial Defense Review Report (February 6, 2006).